Midterms show we’re not any closer to a post-racial america electricity 220 volts wiring


Flash forward, or backward, to 2018, to a U.S. president whose hot racial rhetoric — about Muslims, “low-IQ” African-Americans, Mexican-American judges and more — is a trademark rather than a flaw, and to his political acolytes who gas dryer vs electric dryer follow the playbook with precision. What once might have destroyed a candidate’s chances have only made them stronger or, at least, defiant.

Ron DeSantis, who has resigned his House seat to focus on his for run for Florida governor, ascended to his place on the ballot by supporting Donald Trump unconditionally, including in an ad helping his obliviously complicit toddler daughter build a wall with toy blocks. DeSantis started his general election campaign with what many judged a racially charged comment directed toward his Democrat opponent, Tallahassee Mayor Andrew Gillum, who happens to be African-American.

DeSantis judged his experienced and educated opponent as someone who was “articulate,” who “performed” well in Democratic debates, but warned Florida voters not to “monkey this up” by electing him — clumsily and presumably combining the terms “mess this up” and “monkey around” or indulging in a bit of racial demagoguery, take your pick. Then The Washington Post reported he had spoken four times at conferences yoga gas relief pose organized by a conservative activist who has said that “African-Americans owe their freedom to white people and that the country’s ‘only serious race war’ is against whites.”

The banner of states’ rights, which has gas efficient cars 2015 long signaled contempt for federal civil rights laws, is working its way back into political dialogue and policy, contentiously in the fight over Confederate monuments, state laws forbidding their removal, and politicians, incongruously exemplified by Rep. Steve King from the great southern state of Iowa, proudly defending the Stars and Bars.

(That hypocrisy has always been present in the history of America and race, such as the aforementioned Thurmond declaring “there’s not enough troops in the army to force the southern people to break down segregation and admit the n—- race into our theaters, into our swimming pools, into our homes and into our churches,” and also, as an adult, fathering a daughter with his family’s teenage, black, powerless maid.)

Attorney General Jeff Sessions, whose judicial nomination was voted down by the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1986 over accusations of racism, may have a contentious relationship with his boss. But he has found a new gas house calling, fulfilling the administration’s promises to roll back even legal immigration, quash the criminal justice reform that consent decrees with police departments and discretion in sentencing represented, and reverse the Obama administration’s support of voting rights and affirmative action.

How and whether America learns to live with the diversity that has shaped and built it, is as current an issue as ever, not only in politics but in culture and sports, and the mix of it all. In Congress itself, three-quarters of House members have no top gas x strips walmart staffers of color, according to a report this week from the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies.

Rep. James E. Clyburn would not find the state of the nation surprising. When I interviewed him in 2014 on the release of his book “Blessed Experiences: Genuinely Southern, Proudly Black,” the South Carolina Democrat spoke of the pace of change in America: “The country from its inception is like the pendulum on a clock. It goes back and forward. It tops out to the right and starts back to the left — it tops out to the left and starts back to the right. I can tell you the country electricity cost by state has topped out to the right, and the country is moving back to the left.” And remember, he said, it “spends twice as much time in the center.”

The 78-year-old assistant minority leader of the House has lived a lot of that progress and pushback, from his childhood in segregated Sumter, South Carolina, through the civil rights movement — he met wife-to-be Emily in jail after both were arrested for protesting for civil rights — to his election to Congress in 1992. And his path reflects so many others.